GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND POLITICAL DEMARCATION
Agwa, the most populous town in the present Oguta Local Government Area of Imo State, Nigeria, covers a large expanse of land of about 100 square kilometre. It is located midway, 15 kilometres west of Owerri town (capital of Imo State) and about 22 kilometres East of Oguta town (Headquarters of the Local Government). To the West, Agwa is bounded by Egbema in Ohaji\Egbema L.G.A, to the North and North East by Izombe and Ejemekwuru in Oguta L.G.A, to the South by Okuku in Owerri West L.G.A. and to the South-West by Amafor and Obogwe in Ohaji\Egbema L.G.A.
The population is approximately 71,072 by the 1993 census projection figure of Imo State by localities. Agwa is the second largest single town after Mbieri in the pre-civil war Owerri province.
The towns that adjourn her have influenced Agwa. It is therefore, understandable that her geographical location should influence the culture and occupation of the people.
LANDSCAPE, VEGETATION AND LAND USE
Agwa is situated on a form of tableland. The tableland nature of Agwa is easily noticed by travelers who pass across the town or by visitors who pay visits to the town on foot, by bicycles, on motorcycles or by motor vehicles.
Apart from the topography of the town, much of which had already been briefly discussed, vegetation is another interesting feature of the town and as a result, the inhabitants have disturbed thick forests, which are the natural vegetation of the area. In the recent times, patches of the forestland are seen here and there. The area is typically woodland, characterized by diverse vegetation of tall trees with thick undergrowth. Before the coming of the Europeans, there was virtually no felling of trees. The felling of the trees began but was put in check during the early times of the colonial rules through the ‘permit systems’ and other penalties that accompanied them. But during the colonial era and even in modern times, wanton destruction of natural vegetation has gained grounds. However, both the government and individuals are doing all in their power today to encourage tree replanting so as to check erosion and protect wild life.
It could be inferred that the topography and other physical features of the area were the major factors that made the founder of Agwa to settle down there.
Agwa people spoke and still speak the usual central Igbo language, which had always been and still will be recognized as the general language of Igbos. Linguistically, the Agwa dialect is easily differentiated from the dialects of the other towns around it by high accent that characterizes their speech. Language was and still is the most social factor that helps to identify Agwa people both the past and the present as a community.
POLITICAL DEMARCATION AND LOCATION
Prior to 1960, Agwa was under the political governance of Owerri through the tier system of government known as the Oratta County Council. With the creation of Imo State in 1976 from the former East Central State of Nigeria and the delimitation exercise in 1979, Agwa was placed under Oguta District, and so when Local governments were being created Agwa was part of the local area of Ohaji/Egbema/Oguta/Agwa. For ignorance, Agwa did not recognize her inclusion in the names that formed the then Ohaji/Egbema /Oguta L.G.A. In the 1992 local government creation, Agwa saw herself in the present Oguta Local Government Area. It is envisaged that if there is another local government enlargement, Agwa is most likely to have its own local government, judging by her population.
The Asika community Administration political system fractured Agwa into two community councils (Autonomous Communities) with two traditional rulers. The two autonomous communities are Uwaorie Autonomous Community comprising Umuekpu, Umukpo, Umuofeke, Umuomi, Obeama and Obeakuma, and Mbaukwu (Obudi) Autonomous Community consisting of Obudi, Mgbala, Uba and parts of Aro.
According to Late Hon. Mark Obodo, Agwa merits five autonomous communities, namely Obudi, Mgbala, Uba/Aro, Mbano (Umuekpu, Umuomi, Obema and Obeakuma) and Ukpofeke (Umukpo and Umuofeke).
All these political demarcations notwithstanding, the people of Agwa regard this as a mere political nomenclature and continue to co-exist, lending support to the saying that “there is nothing in a name”.
It should however be noted, even in its geographical location that the institution of Osu (Outcast) does not exist in Agwa. This does not mean that Agwa encourages any association with them. Agwa treats Osu just like any other Igbo society.
The early history of Agwa is shrouded in mystery. Evidence from traditions of migrations and archival record reveals that there are two versions of the origin of Agwa. However, our knowledge of the origin of Agwa rests mostly on the evidence of oral traditions.
The first version accounts that Agwa people descended from an ancestor, named Agwa, and that she did not migrate to her present abode from any other place. Those who adhere to this version of ancestral descent provide a genealogical tree, which shows that Agwa had nine sons, representing the founders of the nine different villages of the town. It is generally accepted that Akuma, the founder of Obeakuma kindred was the first son of Agwa
AGWA
| (AKUMA)
Obeakuma |
(UDI)
Obudi |
(ABADI)
Umuekpu |
(MGBALA)
Mgbala |
(OFEKE)
Umuofeke |
(OBEAMA)
Obeama |
(UKPO)
Umukpo |
(OMI)
Umuomi |
(UBA)
Uba |
The names of the villages originated from the nine sons in brackets. These villages are further grouped into four, each quarter claiming descent from Agwa by a different mother.
The different quarters compromise the following
Obudi, Mgbala and Uba villages
Umuofeke and Umukpo villages
Umuekpu and Umuomi villages
Obeakuma and Obeama villages
OKOROSHI (OWU) FESTIVAL: ISSUES, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS
There is no country without custom and traditions. Customs and traditions however, are traceable to towns and villages. They have significant roles to play in the lives and social attitudes of the people. Agwa, as a town, has remarkable traditions and customs, which no doubt reflect on the social lives of her people. One of such traditions is the Okoroshi (Owu) festival.
No account of tradition of the Agwa man is complete without the mention of the famous Owu festival. The mystery behind the emergence and powers of this festival is shrouded in secrecy. Evidence from oral tradition and archeological findings and cultural patterns reveal that Agwa is made up of nine villages that migrated from different areas. The entire people of Agwa identify themselves with a homogeneous cultural /traditional heritage. These are in the fields of festivals, mode of dressing and handicraft. Agwa, like other Igbo communities, has many traditions as handed down and practiced from generation to generation. Such traditions include burial rites, ichiozo, (title –taking), igu –aha (naming ceremony), etc. All these will be treated in subsequent chapters. However, as earlier stated the Owu festival is one of the most standing traditions which historical antecedents as handed down orally by our forefathers are striking.
The Owu festival is a direct and obvious cultural loan from her Oru neighbours, precisely Awo-Omama, as one source told it. Another source has it that a man from Uba who married an Egbema woman visited his in-laws and witnessed the Owu festival. The woman taught the husband how the festival was performed. Later on, the woman was barred from participating from what she taught men. This latter source is taken as more authentic, although the former is widely accepted.
According to Amanfu Uwa, Owu is an Nkwa (drum), which is brought down from where it was hung with a cock. It is thereafter referred to, as “ito Nkwa”. The Nkwa is owned by the Ekekwu’s from Uba –Agwa, where the festival was first practiced in Agwa , where the festival was practiced in Agwa. The Owu is a long cultural ceremony culminating in the appearance of masquerade-Okoroshi. It is a fetish ceremony that ushers in the new yam festival in August. The “Echele –Owu “ is the goddess of the masquerade and all masquerades are expected to emerge from the Echele –Owu house.
The masquerades (Okoroshi) are believed to be spirit. There are two main types of them, and within each type, minor variations exist.
The “ugly” ones (Okoroshi Ojoo) wear very frightful masks and are dressed in overflowing blankets, young raffia leaves (Omu) tied in circles on their necks, smart black trousers and singlets and with feet and hands covered with stockings. In fact, no part of their body is seen. This is the exciting type as she really exercises everybody during the dull famine period. They chant and dance to their esoteric and devilish songs and chase children, young men and women about.
The “beautiful masquerades” (Okoroshi Oma) are the spectacular ones. They wear white beautiful masks and are richly adorned in special white sheets. One form of it – The Isi Mkpirikpi appears in complete white baggy trousers and long sleeved-necked singlets. They sometimes wear earrings on their facemasks. The other form of the beautiful one – the Nwagiriga- differentiate themselves by wearing beautiful assorted feathers, spotted overflowing sheets and shorts over white trouser tucked inside stockings, with other part of the body beautifully and artistically covered. All the beautiful Okoroshi wear a ring of jingling bells around their waists. They dance gracefully to the beautiful entertaining songs of their group leaders chorused by their follower to the admiration of all spectators who often applaud and shower gifts on them.
The two types of Okoroshi appear alternatively on Orie days during the two months of the ceremony from June to July every year. Only the “Ugly” ones ‘cry’ at night during this period except on Nkwo days. During this period, free passage of women is prohibited both in the day and at night, except if led by respectable and or initiated men in the town. At night, alarms are raised of the approach of women and uninitiated men so that the unmasked and undressed Okoroshi takes a hiding for the women or uninitiated men to pass with shouts of “Okoroshi Ndom bia ooh”.
Only men are usually initiated into the Owu cult at 2-5 years. This initiation is called ‘Idu Mmiri’. At this age, the person is not allowed to partake in the rites of the festival unless he performs what is called “Mmanya ama.” At the ripe age of 20-25 years, the person gives 8-12 jars of palm wine to the initiated members of the Owu cult in his village and performs other rites to the high priest of the Owu goddess to announce his initiation maturity to partake in the rites of the Owu festival. The uninitiated is never allowed to take part in these rites. If he does, the Echele – Owu (goddess) attacks and injures the person in his sleep. The injuries clearly manifest on the body of the person in the daytime. At times, the victims die out of the attack.
Women are not initiated. It is only old women who have passed the age of menopause and are advanced that can be initiated. Some women could be initiated early in age. These women are called ‘Ada Echele.’ They do not partake in the Owu rites but can go out at night and in the day unaccompanied during the festival. Women who violate the laws of the festival are liable to face far-reaching consequences. Some women have been made barren throughout their lifetime as a result of seeing the unmasked Okoroshi or imitating the language of the Okoroshi.
The unmasking of the Okoroshi by anybody whether initiated or not calls for immediate appeasement to the goddess. If the goddess is not appeased (Ikwa arii) she can wreck the affected family. Some members of the family had been known to go mad, some die mysteriously, progress is hindered and other curses that the goddess might deem fit so as to redress the disgrace meted out to her dignity. The appeasement may take the form of using the Okoroshi ojoo to confiscate the property of the offenders or payment of prescribed fees and provision of items as fixed by the ‘Ukwu Owu’ (Owu cabinet). The violation of the laws of the Owu cabinet is much dreaded in Agwa as it can ruin a family within a twinkling of an eye. The Echele Owu is believed to have powers to kill those who desecrate her. The Okoroshi speak a language different from those of the ordinary humans. The language can only be decoded or understood by the initiated adult males.
It is believed that Owu festival helps to relieve the pangs of hunger especially in children during the famine period. Children seldom eat at home as they follow the Okoroshi about and chorus their songs much of the day. Fighting is prohibited during this festival, as mark of peace.
The Okoroshi assumes a judicial importance and function. The Echele Owu is divinated to invoke such powers. The Okoroshi are often called out to mete justice in such cases where human efforts prove abortive or inadequate. These spirits are the final arbiters of disputed justices.
One irony about this festival as handed down by our forefathers is that a woman brought the Owu but in the course of time, women were never allowed to participate in it or have any knowledge of its secrets. The reason for this is hardly known till today.
The prospect of the Owu festival is still hazy. First, the custodians of the Owu tradition are corrupt and no longer hold fast to the tenets of the constitution of the cult and the laws of the Owu cabinet. The underage is initiated. Women have been let into the secrets of the cult because of constant public unmasking of the masquerade. The center of the tradition can no longer hold. Second, the festival is used for revenge and vengeance. Some opportunists use the period to intimidate, harass and molest their purported enemies and the uninitiated. Some initiated young men use it to harass young girls who refused their love advances and overtures. Third, the incessant unmasking of masquerades in public places has debased the institution and removed the fear inherent in it. Until efforts are made to restore the dignity of the Echele Owu, Okoroshi will remain but an amusement festival and would no more be dreaded as in the past. The only prospect in the festival is that it is one of the oldest traditions that have stood the test of time despite its debasement by the youth and the custodians. It will continue to be observed, even if to serve as a reminder in the traditional calendar.
Agwa, as a society, has many cultures that distinguish it from other societies. These include Fejiokuji, Irommuo, Igwanji, Irumgbe, Okwukwu, Ekwe-Mgba, Egelege, Mbari, Iriji, Ichu.nta, Ibu-Igbudu, Ichi-Ozo, Owu, Emume, Aruro, Aja-Oru, Iwa nkita, Igbu ewu Okikechi, Igbu-ebele, Igba-mba, Okuko-Ihuoma. These cultural heritages are told here as they were originally observed. Whether they are still observed as earlier done by our forefathers is a matter of critical analysis and modernism.
An agrarian settlement, a majority of the cultural observances of the Agwa people take place during the reason when farmers are partly unemployed. So, in essence, people have to do one thing or the other to keep busy. It could be after harvests so that farmers who are now unemployed engage in hunting (Ichu-nta). The Ichu-nta precedes the Owu festival (Okoroshi). The Owu festival paves way for Iri-ji (New yam festival). The Owu precedes the Iro-mmuo, and then Okwukwu or Ekwe-mbga (Wrestling). Other festivals take their turns to come. Especially the illiterate use all these cultures traditionally as yearly calendar.
The Aros brought Ekeleke with them. A cultural activity that is peculiar to the Aros and distinct from the cultural festivals of the aboriginal Agwa villages.
FEJIOKUJI
This festival marks the beginning of every farming season, which usually starts in March of every year. The fejiokuji is a god dedicated to farmlands and located in a kind of forest along the farm roads. The area where god inhabits and to which sacrifices are offered is never cleared. During the period, the servants, who must come from the oldest kindred in the village sacrifice cocks and goats to the fejiokuji, thank the god for the last year’s harvest and pray for greater blessings of crop yields in the new season. After the sacrifices, women are invited to cook and eat before the shrine, and then they would sing and dance home.
AJA-ORU
The Ajaoru follows the fejiokuji ceremony, which is a similar festival. The difference lies in the fact that the heads of each kindred perform the rite. A cock is sacrificed to a god. It is done at the gateway to each kindred or at the shrine. The kindred members provide the items for sacrifice. The ceremony is done to appease the god of the land for a peaceful farming season. It is only when this sacrifice is performed or Aja-oru is observed that a kindred can now share their communal land amongst the members for clearing and cultivation.
ARURO
This is a cultural observance that is done during the planting season. It is performed at home in the “Obi” (compound) of elders. The elder cuts yams in pieces and gives to children. Some of the yams are then cooked with slaughtered cocks and dried fish and served to people present. This is also celebrated to ask the gods for abundant harvest. This ceremony is performed by whoever serves a “Chi” (personal god).
ICHU-NTA
This is a big event in Agwa. It is observed in Agwa in turns by the nine villages, beginning with Umukpo, followed by Umuofeke, Mgbala, Umuomi, Obeama, Obeakuma and Umuekpu in that order. This hunting order was used for yearly calendar (Nta agugu ala) while the rest villages were for nta nrugbii. Umukpo is first because she serves the Ala-ukwu god. It ends with Umuekpu because of the Oriefi Agwa.
During this period, there is a lot of eating and drinking. In the turn of a village for this hunting expedition, every hunter assembles in the residence of the village’s landspriest, from where they proceed to hunt in that village’s unfarmed lands. It takes each village four days to end its Ichu-nta, starting from Orie-ogbaku and terminating on Orie-ama. One interesting and striking aspect of this festival is that, on the first day of the Ichu-nta for each village, the first animal killed (Mbgada-ala) is given to the landspriest. The animal is shared among the eldest of each kindred in the village. What the landpriest and the elders do is to buy bullets (ikwachi egbe) for the hunter who killed the first animal. But this act has been eluded to the sarcasm, “Ihe wu bia mara Agwa nta” by foreign hunters who are dissatisfied with this custom. During the first three days of the hunting period for each village, interested people invite known hunters. The arrangement is that, whatever animal the hunter kills is handed to the person who invited him. He decides whether the hunter is to share of the meat of the animal or not. However, on the last day (Orie-ama) of the hunting festival for each village, the invitee (hunter) goes home with whatever animal he is able to capture (nta onye gba rie). The person who invited him lavishly entertains him.
In the course of history, only Umuekpu village has been known to celebrate this festival, as it should be. In the olden days, breadfruits were prepared to entertain hunters and visitors alike over jars of palmwine and pounded yam. With the extinction of breadfruit tree, people resorted to entertaining their guests with rice, pounded yam and assorted wine. During this marked period of celebration (Oriri-nta) by Umuekpu indigenes, usually in July, masquerades (Okoroshi ukwu) are called out to entertain guest. There are a lot of traditional songs and dances exhibited by the masquerades. This ceremony has been in videotapes in recent years. The ceremony attracts people from far and wide. Whitemen had once captured this unique festival in videotape, and it has been aptly described as the ‘Christmas’ before Christmas in Agwa.
NTA ORIE-EFI
According to Nze Rufus Ajokubi, Oriefi is from Iyiafo, a god worshipped by Obeakuma, which is the oldest village in Agwa. The Oriefi goddess was taken to Abodi who resided in part of Umuekpu. We still have Uzo Abodi (the road leading to Obibi Ogbaku). In time, the Oriefi was taken to Olibara the oldest son of Umuagwu (the oldest son of Ekpu). Olibara had a son called Orioha Nwankpukpo who had a son called Okoku. Okoku had three sons one of whom is Mbakwe. For now the land priest is from Mbakwe family, and it is the lineage of Okoku that would always be the land priest to the Oriefi. No Agwa man can authoritatively say when the celebration of nta Umuekpu started.
In the course of history, Oriefi was taken to its permanent abode along Ogborie-Umuekpu Agwa Road which is now deforested, but the traditional place of worship is Umuekpu. The name Oriefi was given to this goddess when the entire Agwa people used Efi (ram) to sacrifice, Agwa would have had the “Osu caste” as our neighbouring Ogbaku town. And because all the villages did what is called “ihu nji na ala Oriefi”, it is being claimed that the Oriefi is owned by the entire Agwa, hence the name “Oriefi-Agwa”. It is only Uba Agwa that did not participate in this ceremony (Ihu nji ) and this accounted for why there is no direct road from Uba to Ogborie.
The celebration of Nta Oriefi by Umuekpu is a long-standing tradition which no one alive today can lay claim of the knowledge of its origin. Our forefathers from time immemorial have practised it. What we can claim is that we have seen our forefathers celebrate it, and it behooves on us to keep the tradition going.
REASONS FOR OBSERVANCE IN UMUEKPU
I have made a brief sketch above of the origin of Oriefi and how Umuekpu came to be the traditional seat of this great goddess. It is because of the importance accorded to this goddess, that our forefathers deemed it necessary to celebrate it with fanfare. Another reason adduced for the celebration is the fact that Umuekpu is the last village in the order of the hunting expedition; and so it was right to mark the of this great tradition with lavish entertainment on the hunters who participate and to thank the gods for a successful hunting season.
THE FEATURES
At the start of the ichu-nta Umuekpu, the land priest invites young girls and entertains them. These girls go about the villages informing people with different songs about the nta festival.
Coincidentally, the ichu-nta festival is observed during the Owu festival. It is during this period that the nta celebration is observed. Consequently, the Okoroshi Ukwu which you are about to witness, is used to entertain spectators and visitors. As many Okoroshi Ukwu as possible are called out by the high priest of the Echele-owu (owu goddess) to participate in the celebration. There is a lot of traditional songs and dances exhibited by these masquerades to the admiration of spectators. The ceremony attracts people from far and wide.
During this period which lasts three days, (Eke, Orie and Afo), no family cooks foofoo. In the olden days, breadfruits (ukwa) were prepared to entertain hunters and visitors alike over jars of palm wine and pounded yam. The use of breadfruit led to the christening of this ceremony by some people, as “Ori-ukwa” Umuekpu. With the extinction of breadfruit trees, people resorted to entertaining their guests with rice, pounded yam and assorted wines and drinks. This time also, every married woman who is independent of her mother-in-law takes cooked breadfruit in a coconut shell and places it at the point where Mr. Damian Nwosu is presently residing along Ogborie Road. This act is called Ngwumu ukwu oriefi; where she takes her share of the celebration.
THE SIGNIFICANCE
The nta festival is significant because it is used as a traditional calendar of the year. It ushers in the new yam festival. It also has some economic significance. The animals killed during this period could be sold and the money used to solve one problem or the other.
During the period of the celebration, new friends are made, there are family reunions, friends and families reconcile. Marriages may be contracted this period as prospective bachelors who come to witness the ceremony may see their wives to be. Daughters of the land who are married outside use the opportunity to come home and see their family members, friends and well-wishers. Husbands have been known to buy new clothes for their dear wives and children so that they look smart during the ceremony.
The goddess in whose name the ceremony is observed, the Oriefi is asked to protect the indigenes of the villages wherever they may be and bless the products of the farm lands. This prayers is offered by the land priest surrounded by the oji-ofos.
The sons and daughters of the land who reside abroad take this time to visit home. It is a perfect reunion with home people for them. Some of them come to hold families meetings, which culminate in solving one or two family problems or in carrying out a project. The festive mood of this ceremony marks peace in the land as fighting is prohibited during the period.
The conclusion may also be used for development launching during which our distinguished sons, friends and well-wishers are invited to contribute their quota in the development of the village in the areas of water, electricity and road projects. The occasion may also be used to honour Umuekpu sons and daughters who have distinguished themselves in various fields.
IRO-MMUO
This festival ushers in the Owu tradition, which has been separately treated in chapter five as an enduring Agwa culture. The Iro-mmuo is performed on market days. Each village does its own on its market day. Uba village is credited with being the first village to perform this rite. This festival is embedded in the Iranji (New yam festival). The Iro-mmuo has a deep-rooted superstitious history. It is believed that certain gods are responsible for the fertility of farmlands and as such have to be thanked and / or appeased before new harvests are taken home. It is celebrated in honour of the yam goddess (Njoku). The festival, though beautiful, is only observed in the pagan homes. It is simultaneously observed with the Igwa-nji of the Nze titleholders.
IGWA-NJI
This ceremony comes off during the rainy season in late August and early September. It is an exclusive festival of the Ozo title men. The Ozo titleholders celebrate it lavishly with the slaughter of fowls which features prominently in the rituals. It is therefore, a pagan tradition. The two major groups of the Ozo institution – the Nze Igwe and Nze Ogboo exchange visits during this period. The Nze Ogboo perform theirs on Eke Umuekpu while the Nze Igwe has theirs on Orie-ogbaku. In-laws and wives visit Nze na Ozo relatives with eight (8) big yams. The celebrants entertain their guests with food and drinks
During the Iranji (Iro-mmuo), some chiefpriests and all Ozo titled men abstain from eating any new yam until the festival of the Igwa-nji has been observed. It is after this festival that this group of persons can taste the new yam.
OKWUKWU (WEEK OF PEACE)
The god of this festival is the Oriefi. It is a wrestling festival (Ekwe-mgba) which comes off eight (8) weeks (early October) after the Igwa-nji. During this period, newly married young men chop firewood (Ikpowa nku) sent in advance to their in-laws by relations. Umuekpu, as the traditional seat of the Oriefi first seeks the approval of the god for the coming festival by offering kolanut to the god (Oriefe). This singular act is known in the local parlance as Izii oji. The festival brings with it the sanctification or cleansing of both the land and the people. In the event of the death of a person during this period as a result of oath taking (Idu-isi) in the name of Oriefi, the dead person would be taken to Oriefi, which ‘consumed’ the corpse. The corpse was not buried. It is however, believed that the monkeys in the forest where Oriefi resided ate up the corpse of the deceased person. But before somebody who died of natural cause during this period. was buried, a cock was given to the servant of Oriefi to appease it, so that the deceased would have a peaceful rest than be disturbed by the god after burial. This appeasement was called Ikpo-ukwu.
The Okwukwu brings in its wake the wrestling festival (Ekwe-mgba). Farm crops have to be harvested finally in preparation for the next planting season. During this period, a rather different atmosphere; an atmosphere of much challenge for the youths and the young at heart is created. The youths in their age groups had to prove their superiority amongst their rivals. On Orie-market day, for those who forbid going to the farm on Orie-ama (the Uwaorie people), the Ekwe-mgba (talking drums) begins at mid-day right in the area prepared for the occasion. The wrestling contest is a show of strength and starts with the competitors artfully dancing to the tunes of the ‘Egelege’ drums.
Obeakuma, the eldest village, performed the wrestling ritual called Ekwe Wuogbuipa. The suffix to the Ekwe is the name of the owner of the wrestling competition. Individuals organized the competitions, and there are the popular ones such as Ekwe Onyeonwuleshi by Ukoha, usually competed for at Ogbafor Market Square and Ekwe Ebiri of Umuojere Mgbala-Agwa. All the wrestlers from the town first attended the Ekwe-wuogbuipa, and then other villages took turns to organize theirs.
The rule of the game is that once you were drawn into the centre of the wrestling arena, you must find somebody of the age group to wrestle with. The Ekwe-mgba was not fetish but people consulted ‘dibia’ (native doctors) for power.
The Ekwe-mgba drew people from the homes. Great wrestlers displayed their prowess in the rings as the actual wrestling began with the children and gradually moved up to the mature adults. Both men and women participated in this competition and the show continues for over four days once started in each village.
The wrestling cuts across village circles and it even draws external interests from neighbouring towns and villages. In the past, good wrestlers never paid any brideprice to get wives. “Thus, retired giants in the field favour giving their daughters in marriage to good wrestlers”. Good wrestlers in gatherings enjoyed certain privileges. Members of their age groups respected them. One spectacular advantage of this competition was the honour done to one Mr. Ernest Obiero from Umuekpu Agwa. A Divisional Police Officer (DPO) with Agwa Police post, after watching the young, energetic Ernest humiliate one much favoured fair-complexioned, handsome, strong wrestler (I.M) from Umukpo Agwa in a wrestling contest in the 1980s, quickly recommended and assisted Ernest Obiero to be enlisted in the Nigeria Police Force.
EMUME
The festival as one of the cultural values of Agwa is only observed for traditional calendar purposes but however secures abundant harvest. Uba village first performs it in the month of October every year before the final harvest of the year (Igwu Nji). It is a period of interaction and reconciliation among relations. It is not fetish in its ramifications.
MBARI
Mbari is a cultural show – a practice common to the neighbouring eastern towns, and absent in the riverine areas. The Mbari is a form of religious worship. At a certain period of the year, land priests (Ndi nwe isi ala) invited villagers and informed them of the intention of the god of the land. The festival is called Igbara ala Mbari. The eldest person in a village selected people from kindreds. At times the god ‘selected’ people for the purpose. Those selected were confined to ‘Mgbe’ (a fattening house). Those who appointed Ndi Mgbe cooked sumptuous food for them. People were specially selected to serve the foods. People were discouraged from fighting during this period. Offenders paid heavily to Ndi Mgbe, who were decorated with Ufie all over their bodies. They were treated like sacred cows.
If Ndi Mgbe are to pass through a place, people are expected to stay indoors so as not to see them. Offenders pay exorbitantly. The Mgbe might go to offender’s compound to take goats and fowls to cleanse themselves. The period for the fattening lasted for 2-3 years. However, initially, they were confined to a place for three weeks before they could come out where people could see them. This is called Mgbe eshi – a period when an Mgbe received friends and relations who showered him with gifts. It was a big festival. After the reception, Ndi Mgbe went to Mbari and did some carvings. They dug anthill (Igwu Nji) for the pottery work. The artistic works were used to decorate the Mbari in honour of Ala – the earth goddess.
It is rare for an Mgbe to die while still confined to the Mbari. But if it so happened, the parents or relations appeased the land. An Mgbe could die if he defiled the laws of the land.
BURIAL RITES
Traditionally, the type of burial given to people in Agwa depended on their status in society and events leading to their death. The burial ceremony was carried out in two phases. The first burial (Ili Ozu) took place immediately the person died. The second burial (Okwukwa Ozu) took place after some time, depending on the bereaved family.
The corpse was washed and dressed during the first burial to appear neat before the ancestors and then left for few hours for friends and relations to pay their last homage. All the period of the burial of an accomplished aged man, a ‘burial dance’ (Odu ike) was played. Odu ike was hitherto a kind of cultural dance in honour of a member of the cultural association. However, it is now an institutionalized burial dance rite.
In pre-colonial Agwa, coffin was not used for burial; rather the corpse was wrapped up in a mat and place in Adabala (Bier). Then a cock, hen, he-goat, dog were brought to be slaughtered. A brave man would narrate the man’s greatest achievements and cut off the head of the goat and the dog. This is known as Igbu ewu okikechi and Iwa nkita respectively. In the olden days, Iwa nkita took this form: a live dog is locked in a room and an able-bodied young man, cutlass in hand, moved into the room. One of the windows to the room was left open for people to witness the rite. The man caught the dog by the legs and chopped off the head with the cutlass. He then opened the eyes of the deceased and dropped the blood. The significance of this was to make the person wiser and stronger in the spirit world and if he re-incarnated. During this pre-colonial period, the Iwa nkita was largely done to women. This is because when a woman died many dogs were killed in her honour. All her daughters’ and daughters-inlaw would each slaughter a dog. Women married in the same kindred also killed dogs in their honour.
Other prominent rites performed at the burial of an elderly Agwa man include Igbu Ebele (slaughtering of a ram). Before any of these burial rites was performed, the relations of the deceased consulted a diviner who called up the ghost of the dead person, which would then name those that would perform the rites. Most of the burial rites were for the men.
In the event of the Igbu Ebele, a rope is tied to the upper hand (Ikenga) of the deceased on one hand and to an Otiri tree on the other hand. Then the legs and hands of the ram were tied and hung head down to the Otiri tree. The person who is to perform the rite, usually an elderly man, called one of his sons or a young man from his family or kindred as the case may be who would hold a cutlass that had been treated to a horn for about three days and so was as sharp as a razor. Other young men would also have cutlasses so as to confuse the ram from spotting the assigned person to cut off the head at once. The ceremony attracted men and women, boys, girls and children. The man who would perform the rite began by narrating whatever secret act(s) he committed with the deceased that were only known to two of them. Some were revealed to have committed murder secretly; others did outrageous things that would have claimed their lives but they escaped. In the event of the man exactly mentioning what led the deceased to ask him to perform the rite, the ram would shake in confirmation. The young man assigned the duty of cutting off the head of the ram would at the point do so. Peradventure he was unable to cut off the head at once, he stood as a disgrace to his entire family, friends and relations. He was ridiculed. Derogatory songs were composed with his name. He might lose his wife or friends as a result of this purportedly shameful act. But if he succeeded in cutting off the head of the ram at once, he earned the envy of his contemporaries. He was carried shoulder high to the admiration of all. He made new friends instantly.
Just as the Igbu Ebele was almost a man’s affair, the Igbuwa Ekperi afia was for women. The latter was a burial rite for a woman of honour, a successful businesswoman. In this ceremony, a named woman through divination was asked to break a kind of calabash, presumed to contain goods the dead woman dealt with when she was alive, in a market place on a market day. The ceremony separated the deceased from her business colleagues who were alive and prevented her from attending markets as a ghost. After the ceremony, the husband and family of the late woman entertained guests.
The other significant burial rite is Okuku Ihuoma (Good wishes). The person named to perform the rite could be a man or a woman, a young girl or young boy, depending on the liking the deceased man had for the person when he was alive. The person entered the room where the dead laid in state, closed the door and wished good things in honour of the deceased should he reincarnate. He/she strangled a fowl by removing the head, mixed the blood with salt and put the mixture in the mouth (lips) of the dead man. It is believed that this rite helped the deceased to enjoy the good things of life in the spirit world or if he reincarnated.
Yet another burial rite in Agwa that has an age-long history is the Ibu-Igbudu. It was performed both for a man and woman. It was a mark of honour. The person must in fact have been very aged, rich and had many children, at least to three great grandchildren.
The Igbudu is a kind of weaved long basket (coffin-like) entirely covered with costly clothes and carried about head high by hefty men. The Igbudu was made by elderly men in a confined place out of the sight of people. As the men carrying the Igbudu went round designated points, within the village, guns were shot at it. At times, the clothes caught fire but were immediately extinguished. Village kindreds where the Igbudu was designated to visit would be given jars of palm vine in advance to notify them. A man was appointed to shoot the gun that would move the Igbudu forward (Ibuli Igbudu) wherever and whenever it refused to go further. The Igbudu fluttered when being carried about. It was said to control the carriers, and therefore, fetish. Nevertheless, it is one burial rite that an Agwa would always miss unless it is resuscitated
Apart from the cultural festivals, some of the cultural dances found in Agwa today include Igborioba, Igbanga, Agala, while those that are no longer observed are Eriopi, Abigala, Egelege, Ekeokwe and Ngelenge.
As with every modernism and civilization, the cultural heritage of Agwa is becoming history. Christianity has dealt a deathblow on these cultural activities for our traditional values, of the things that relate to us has dealt a deadlier blow to our traditions. This revolutionary nature of our people needs radical overhauling. It is disheartening to note that even such cultural festivals used as traditional yearly calendar are no longer observed. This is cultural disorientation.
However, it is naive to assert that there are no traces of our culture that an Agwa man attaches himself to so dearly today, even if with some modifications. Such cultural festivals that have stood the test of time till today include the Aja-Oru, Ichu-Nta, the famous Igwa-Nji, Owu, and some burial rites discussed in this chapter.
One would not end this topic on cultural abandonment without an appeal to the custodians of our tradition – the Ezes, the Chiefs, the Landpriests, Heads of families – to look inwards with a view to finding solutions to the resuscitation of our cultural heritage.
ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES OF THE AGWA MAN
There is no doubt that by the natural fertility of her soil, Agwa has been destined by nature to be an agricultural town full of potentialities. It has a teeming population, with a capacity to labour and fight against natural obstacles in her bid to maintain her agrarian capabilities. In spite of the fertile land and growth population, Agwa can hardly be said to enjoy self-sufficiency in the matter of food. Apart from agricultural activities, Agwa people are also engaged in trades.
AGRICULTURE
Farming is the most important economic activity of an Agwa man with regard to the number of people engaged in it and the prestige attached to it. This statement goes to support the assertion by Uchendu who said that:
The chief agricultural products are yam, cassava and cocoyam. Yam is regarded as the most valuable crop. Thus, Agwa man esteemed a successful farmer
At present, there are only three approved vocational schools and one secondary school, which cater for those in need of vocational and secondary education. These schools are St. Anthony School of Commerce, Ohamara Memorial (Vocational) College, New Era Vocational College and Agwa Secondary School. The students’ enrollments for these schools are not encouraging.
Table below gives more clarifications.
| NAME OF INSTITUTION | STUDENTS POPULATION | TOTAL | |
| MALE | FEMALE | ||
| 1. Agwa Secondary school | 723 | 459 | 1182 |
| 2.St. Anthony Sch. of commerce | 372 | 213 | 591 |
| 3. Ohamara Memorial (Vocational) coll. | 129 | 79 | 208 |
| 4. New Era Voc. College | 108 | 84 | 192 |
| 5. Vocational Inst. Of Commerce Agwa | 210 | 102 | 312 |
| Total | 1542 | 937 | 3422 |
Source: School Enrollment record 2003.